Part II
Special Tax on Jews or protection money
The market community of Floss conducted the bitterest and most protracted disputes with the Jews over protection money or special taxes. In 1687 four Jewish settlers “in devoted subservience” to “an honorable mayor and council and all honored citizens” made a “humble request” for civil protection, like that which their fellow believers in other areas, in cities as well as market towns, likewise enjoy. They asked the council and the community to acquiesce to their building houses, considering that it will be much more of a “betterment” and to the [general] good than a detriment or harm. If they were allowed to make the “intended construction”—[which would] not [be] more imposing than the usual citizen—, they promised to put themselves in the protection of the citizenry, and to make each and every one of them, without fail, a special payment of 1½ guilders and, in any case, particularly to pay the levies due on the fallow land they had purchased, thus [settling] all charges and value of unpaid labor owed to the feudal lord [on said land], notwithstanding that due to the lack of [not owning] cattle and poultry, they don’t need [to grow] crops.” The landed nobility’s confirmation of this statement, dated May 10, 1689 in Sulzbach, repeated all the statutory terms that had been there from the beginning: compensation for the community, payment of the offer to the town treasury, competition to all, that which otherwise [the owners of] a house should render to the community as a whole, relinquishment of [the right to own] farm animals or pasture.
Very soon, the Jews proved to be delinquent in the fulfillment of their side of the obligations, very probably because they were refused entry into the municipal association and continued to be denied civil protection. They were subject to the jurisdiction of the governor’s office and the regional court, and not the magistrate, and therefore had to pay considerable fees to the local nobility. Nevertheless, the town insisted on the payment of protection taxes and received support for their demands from the state authority. In 1712 Count Theodor von Sulzbach ordered the governor’s office in Floss to exhort the “local Jews” to make their due payments and “to take the payment of back taxes seriously.” Similar orders were issued in 1718, 1721 and 1724. Nevertheless, the archives show us that there were repeated disputes between the Jews and the citizenry because of the special tax, which in 1779 was amicably reduced to 1 guilder each for 26 longtime resident families. In 1820 the payment of protection money to the town treasury was firmly refused, because no such payment was made in Sulzbach or Fürth or elsewhere and the conferment of protection had to be requested at the higher land office which was paid every year a certain amount in protection money. A new tax provision lifted the protection payment anyway. The royal Bavarian Commissioner General of the Upper Main district had already decided to the detriment of the Jews in 1820. In 1829, the appellate court of the Upper Main district, and in 1935 the upper appellate court in Munich, ruled likewise. The arrears were forcibly collected. The Upper Palatinate regional government decided in 1849, as did the ministry of state in 1850, that it wasn’t a matter of personal service for some protection or other that came to an end through the regulation of January 27, 1809, but instead a tax that the Jews had accepted and were contractually required to pay to the community chest. Meanwhile the Jewish community was not satisfied. They appointed the royal attorney Dr. Arnheim in Bayreuth as their representative and through him initiated a suit against the market community. They used Article III of the law from June 4, 1848, which deals with the repeal of property charges, for support. Faced with irrefutable proof from the opposing side, the market community was forced to settle with the Jewish community on August 5, 1853 before the regional court in Neustadt. The settlement finally swept away the special tax. The longstanding fight over protection money would once and for all come to an end and be resolved with a settlement of 600 guilders, although the arrears added up to a much higher amount. Since then, the religious community merely pays a yearly basic tax of a few pennies for the [ritual] bath and [Jewish community] cemetery.
The Jews of Floss and Trades
In the years from 1818–1828, the regional court in Neustadt resolutely insisted (in accordance with the Jewish edict from 1873), that Jewish youths change over from business to trades. The community authorities had to keep an exact register of all unmarried Jewish youths, once they finished primary school. The register reported on their employment and had to occasionally be presented to the regional court. The whole Jewish community was informed accordingly, “that henceforth no Jewish youth would be given residency or permission to marry, when he couldn’t sufficiently prove that he had learned a proper trade.” According to the edict of September 19, 1811, the royal government in Bayreuth made a ruling about 28 Jewish youths, of which some examples are cited here: a) Salomon Löb, son of Jonas Königshofer, has to start his apprenticeship at the tanner within 8 days; b) Henoch Jakob Hönigsberger, who doesn’t have enough assets, to establish a solid business at home, has to commit himself to the linen and cotton weaving mill without delay; c) Isaak Grünbaum has to start his apprenticeship as glazier within 8 days; d) the same goes for Josef Aaron Hönigsberger with reference to the soap maker; e) Juda Engelmann is ordered to start as an itinerant butcher within 4 weeks; f) Jakob Steinhardt has to start learning textile production within 4 weeks; g) Mayer Rosenstein has to return to the tailoring trade he had learned; h) Salomon Wiener, who wanted to learn Jewish teaching and business, has to learn a profession; i) Lazarus Boskewitz has to present his son Aaron immediately, in order to examine his ability to learn a trade; and more examples. Despite all this, the adoption of civil trades seemed to be difficult, because on December 19, 1819, the community administration reported: “Jewish youths learn professions, but only in appearance. They use them as a pretext for trade, which they cannot be made to give up.” In a similar vein, the royal administration expressed their displeasure that those Jews given residency as people working in trades, didn’t practice their trade at all or only pretended to do so as a cover for business. Later it seems that Jews did grow to like civil trades, because in 1844, the following businesses could be found on the Judenberg: 1 cook, 1 distiller, 1 gingerbread maker, 1 butcher, 1 comb maker, 1 furrier, 1 tanner, 1 soap maker, 1 hosier, 1 cloth manufacturer and 1 weaver. In 1848, there were 13 proper trades and crafts being practiced and in 1853, still 10. We can assume that with most companies, sales forms the main part—do the Christians to it any differently these days?—and it couldn’t be at all otherwise, since the market community was obstructive to the Jewish trade businesses wherever and whenever it could, out of envy and resentment of its commercial competitors. In particular, the community, regional court and administration joined in beautiful harmony to make it impossible for the ambitious, prudent, progressive Jews to found larger businesses or, at least, to generally expand the existing ones. According to the desire and intention of the Bavarian government, the Jews were supposed to turn to normal trades as much as possible. The required permits were difficult or impossible to acquire from the community and state authorities. Some examples from many are instanced here. On December 20, 1814, Jonas Königshofer, a protected Jewish businessman, applied to the regional court in Neustadt for permission to establish a leather manufactory in his house (formerly a residence of the district’s administrator). There was a need for it, because there were no other businesses of this kind within a radius of many miles and also it would have provided the opportunity to give many people gainful employment. However the tanner and shoemaker guild, together with the mayor’s office and the municipal council, caused the downfall of Königshofer’s project.—On September 30, 1820, the community committee of Floss complained about the protected Jew Jakob Ullmann, because he lived in the cabin that he had built on the banks of the stream that ran through Floss, although the cabin was outside of the Judenberg. Ullmann asserted that he was continually forced to go to the cabin (a facility for producing potash), in order to conduct proper oversight and to prevent the necessary tools, even the doors and walls, from being stolen. He didn’t want to assert that he had the right to live in the house, where he had invested all he had, or that he had the right to run a business (with an oven) from the house, while making it his domicile. His justifications were met with rejection.—In 1824/25 innkeepers, sales people, manufacturers, apothecaries among others in the lesser and greater vicinity supported with written explanations an application by the Jewish youth Henoch Hönigsberger for permission to settle down and for a license for a distillery—without success.—On April 1, 1839 Mayer Moses Rosenstein again applied for a tailor’s license, with the goal of founding a cap making business. He had fulfilled all the requirements and proved that there were no other people practicing his trade closer than Amberg, Regensburg and Bayreuth. Despite this, the market administration rejected the application.
Jews and Agriculture
In 1820, the market administration reported to the regional court, that a Jew would never dedicate himself to farming, which should have happened when the Edict of 1813 went into force, because a Jew, who looks only for easy gain, would never be able to convince himself that the physical exertion, diligence and work were worth it, even if he would half starve otherwise. For him, farming is too slow and uncertain a way to earn a living. Fourteen Jews together own 15 acres of field and 3 acres of meadow. Nevertheless, they didn’t work these lands themselves. They let Christians do it. In a resolution on April 4, 1828, the royal administration in Bayreuth also complained: “According to reports before us, the Jewish co-religionists, who had won the permission to settle [in Floss] on the condition of working in agriculture, set about leasing their fields or using them in other bogus ways while personally [continuing to] deal in commerce. The regional court has to carefully observe the actions of the Jewish farmers and to administer monetary punishment without forbearance on those who don’t follow the rules.”
The Jews of Floss and Trade
From the very beginning, Jewish immigrants were prohibited from keeping farm animals and acquiring farmlands. They were denied the use of community grounds. (!) Establishing an agricultural business was impossible for them. Since the town of Floss was filled to overflowing with craftsmen, Jews couldn’t bring themselves to be simple craftsmen either. They were literally forced to support themselves by working as tradesmen. Whether small or large, they always flourished in these businesses.
In 1820 citizens of Floss complained that the Jewish peddlers, who mainly carried imported brands and manufactured wares, were increasing in number. —According to official determination, Floss was among the most bustling areas in northern Upper Palatinate in 1840. The Jews of Floss kept countless peddlers, innkeepers and business people in the greater surrounding area supplied with goods. The wholesale people dominated the secondary marketplaces, the peddlers carried by foot or cart products from country to country. Store after store was lined up on the Judenberg. People who lived in Weiden, Neustadt, Vohenstrauß, Tirschenreuth, Grünau and places beyond came to Floss to enjoy the advantages of shopping with the Jews. The stately homes on the Judenberg bear witness to the prosperity that once prevailed there.
In 1842, the town community testified in the district court that an extensive amount of business was being conducted on the Judenberg. Drapery and fur products, as well as raw leather, were especially significant. Wool was bought and re-sold far and wide. Moreover, trading in grains, hops, linseed and farm animals was emphasized. It concerned 36 Jewish businessmen, many of which had their own horse and cart.
In 1848 the number [of Jews] who engaged in wholesale businesses and had regular bookkeeping was 10, those in the junk business 22, the actual peddlers were 6 families, and no one traded livestock. –In 1859 23 wholesalers and 7 retailers were counted. Already in 1851, there were no longer junk dealers without regular bookkeeping.
At present—1923—Jews here operate 1 large general store and mill, 2 large drapery businesses, 1 men’s clothing business; 2 families are co-owners of the Altenhammer estate with glass polishing, mirror development and other facilities. Some of the Jews of Floss dedicate themselves eagerly to agriculture. In every area, they display diligence, staying power, foresight and a progressive attitude. They are generally met with confidence and trust. It was not uncommon to hear the saying out of the mouths of the old Floss inhabitants: It was indeed beautiful, when a nice business operation developed on the Judenberg! The prosperous Jews gave craftsmen and day workers many opportunities to earn money working [for them.]
Trade practices of the Jews of Floss
Complaints from their brothers in the faith in Sulzbach
The activities of the Jews of Floss as salesmen surpassed their fellow believers in other places. The drapery salesmen Arnstein and Herzmann of Sulzbach sued the Steinhardt Brothers, Lob Langermann, Henoch Hönigsberger and Jakob Hönigsberger of Floss on March 27, 1838 before the county court in Neustadt for exceeding their licenses as tradesmen. The “culprits” come to Sulzbach throughout the year, often with whole wagons full of wares, stop off at the “Bergischen Hofe” and sell quite a few pieces to other tradesmen. In the process, they neither adhere to the regulations for public markets nor to the business hours for them. Instead, they make sales in the tavern at any time or have other tradesmen bring in whole bolts of cloth for them to choose from. Such a stretching of trade authorization has not been permitted in this area before. All the tradesmen from Floss should be prohibited from such excesses in the future under a penalty of 20 Reichstaler.
Religious Matters
Synagogue. In 1719, Baron Theodor von Sulzbach allowed the Jews living in Floss to erect a synagogue, which was completed in 1722 and cost about 232 guilders. The increasing number of Jews necessitated an expansion of the synagogue in 1788. The synagogue, apparently standing at the foot or incline of the Judenberg, fell victim to the ferocious fire which incinerated 119 residential buildings together with 76 barns and many other structures in one night in 1813. Its reconstruction, which required an outlay of 12,000 guilders, followed from 1815-17, on a vacant area 100 steps above the site of the fire, which explains the dominating position of the synagogue now.
Rabbis. Already in 1738, the Jews of Floss had engaged a rabbi, who always held the high position of the spiritual leader of the community. In 1842 Israel Wittelshöfer was mentioned ... The rabbinate existed in Floss until 1896. The last spiritual leader, (named Wittelshöfer,) a well-regarded, friendly, dignified gentlemen, enjoyed great respect from the Christians. Today, he is still credited with much good.
Jewish Religious Service
It seems that the office of Rabbi hasn’t always been occupied. On November 2, In 1819, Jakob Moses Mayer and Samuel Jakob Bloch complained to the district court about the synagogue caretaker and administrator to the poor, Abraham Bamberger, asking it to take action against his gross abuses. [Mayer and Bloch said] Bamberger was in arrears with 2 annual invoices; he opened the poor box on his own, without the consultation of a deputy; he allowed his relatives and friends, who think too well of themselves or are too lazy to attend religious services in the synagogue, to congregate in their homes for religious services, which should not be permissible in a community with a synagogue; he permitted outside rabbis to preach and the deaf Samuel Dachauer to read, at which everyone laughed and jeered; he disturbs the prayers, in that he suddenly yells at people in the most penetrating tones, like a drunken Bruno in an inn, if only 2 are looking at each other; and he goes around in the temple, [to see] if people are properly dressed, but only reports and penalizes his opponents, while overlooking his friends. He has two eyes, but uses only one, and creates a mess.
Because of more nonsense
The Jewish Community sued by
their
own religious administration
On August 14, 1830, the director of the Jewish administration Löb Hönigsberger appealed on behalf of the community provost’s office in Floss to the district court in Neustadt to ban the children, under 18 years old, of Jewish horse owners from riding on public streets for their own pleasure and to fine each horse owner 1 taler for each violation. The complainant wrote: “It is known that every possible inhabitant of the Judenberg near Floss has a black horse that hauls the owner’s wares from market to market and the owner himself wherever occupation and opportunity call. This completely harmless circumstance has however resulted in mischief that in the eyes of a good police force must be regarded with disapproval. Because the father’s horse is often unused at home, the son between 8 and 12 years old takes the greatest pleasure to mount the horse himself and gallop up and down the Judenberg until the gaunt animal is exhausted. Some evenings, you don’t dare to take a step outside of your house without fear of being set upon and run over by one such “Bayard.” Some parents have the misguided view that this nonsense is “Bravura.”—but the district law introduced a strict prohibition for the whole Jewish community. Moses Boskowitz still signed in Hebrew.
District Court and Rabbis
On April 2, 1851, the town administration of Floss received the mandate from the N[eustadt] district court to interview or require an written explanation from the leadership of Jewish society [in Floss]—Rabbi Wittelshöfer—about the unauthorized dance event which had been held and was reported by the police. The latter deeply enraged his grace, the district judge, because he [the judge] read therein “more audacious derision than a justification of the questionable dance.” In the name of the royal district court, the town administration had to “rebuke Rabbi Wittelshöfer for this very disorderly conduct and ordered him to give the earlier required justification within eight days and to give it with due respect.” (the order by the district and state court from August 20, 1851 reached the community authorities on September 21 and the answer came on November 17, 1951.) Rabbi Wittelshöfer seems to have made his justification brilliantly. His answer seems to have made an impression on the stern district judge; because a mandate, [sent] to the community authorities on February 14, 1852 and concerning a dance entertainment on the Judenberg, began very cautiously with the sentence (!): “Any societal pleasure involving free movement is gladly permitted, so long as it remains within the legal limits.” However, in conclusion, Baron von Lichtenstern can not refrain from rebuking the head of the Jewish community for the “more pretentious— rather than apologetic submissive tone” in his justification. The community authorities had to continue to monitor the “gaiety,” so that it didn’t get out of control.
Impossible to Fulfill Orders—Baptism Certificate for Jews
Neustadt an W. N. [Waldnaab], November 24, 1815.
To the royal Bavarian Rabbinate of Floss. As ordered by the district court
For the purpose of residency and ensuing marriage of the Jewish youth Löb Langermann of Floss with the Jewish widow Semele Hönigsberger, a baptismal certificate was necessary for the former. The office of the Rabbi is henceforward instructed to prepare the same in the usual format and to send it over to the district court.
The royal district court
Jewish Families in Floss
The heads of Jewish families in Floss in 1807/08: Meyer Hrschl Ploch, Mozses Levi, Daniel Ploch, David Löw, Hönig Jakob, Hönig Hrschl, Samuel Ploch, Aaron Hönig, Josepf Marem Eisigkopf, Abraham Isaak Ploch, Anton Mozses Levi, Abraham Aaron Poßkowitz, Nathan Lazarus, Eisig Schüzer, Michl Ploch, Saloman Joseph, Punfit Maron, Mozses Poßkowitz, Jakob Joel Ploch, Jakob Meyer, Mendl Levi, Amschel Ploßkowitz, Joel Pößl Levi, Mozses Feistars, Jonas Daniel Ploch, Jakob Mozses, Mendl Jakob Hrschl, Mozses Saloman, Jakob Ulmann, Joseph Aaron, Jakob Aaron, Mendel Isaak, Jakob Hönig.
Family names 1851: Bamberger 1, Bloch 14, Bomeisler 2, Boskowitz ..., Doppelmeier 2, Engelmann 2, Engländer 2, Floßer 1, Goldmann 1, Grünbaum 2, Hamburger 1, Hönigsberger 6, Langermann 3, Levi 1, Rosenstein 1, Reichenberger 1, Schwarz 2, Steinhardt 3, Ulmann 2, Weiß 2, Wiener 3, Wittelshöfer 1 family.
Today, of the Jewish families in Floß there are still 2 Steinhardt, 1 Bloch, 1 Eisemann (formerly Hönigsberger), 1 Ansbacher (formerly Weiß), 1 Wilmersdörfer, in addition to Mr. Zeilberger, formerly a teacher and now cultural affairs clerk and the head teacher’s widow, Mrs. Wetzler. They all live in the profoundest peace with their Christian neighbors and are generally held in high regard by them. May this beautiful relationship never be disrupted!
Jewish school. Presumably, in the beginning, the rabbis were the only teachers of Jewish children. Their lessons would probably have been restricted to religion and Hebrew language. One hundred years ago individual Jews in Floss could still only write their names in Hebrew. However, the better tradesmen had private Jewish teachers instruct their children, particularly their sons, German language on the side, and probably also arithmetic and science. After the Christian school had finished, Jewish children gathered in a school room for special lessons. This circumstance gave the district court in Neustadt a reason in 1817 to impose an additional tax of 400 guilders on the Jewish community, in order to buy and renovate the manor house in Podewills for a concurrent, in other words, a joint, school house. In 1824, the government of the Upper Main area, of which Floss was a part, decreed that Jewish private teachers would no longer be granted permission to teach. As a result, a Jewish religious school was built that year and a special religious teacher, whose name was Goldmann, was hired. He left the German lessons since 1857 to the Catholic teacher named Hack, in whose school premises the Jewish children gathered after the lessons of the Christian students had ended.
The Jewish religion and language school had 50 students who attended on weekdays and 32 who attended on Sunday. The teacher Joseph Goldmann was paid in kind in the value of 323 florins. The Catholic teacher, Mr. Hack, received about 124 florins. It was only in 1878, after the number of Jewish families had already markedly declined, that the Jewish religious school acquired the character of a public elementary school, in which the efficient and generally esteemed head teacher, Mr. Wetzler had a positive influence for 36 years. As a result of the new school supply law of 1921, the Jewish elementary school was closed when, under the teacher, Max Zeilberger, it had only one student, a girl, remaining.
Jewish cemetery Inevitably, the first Jewish families in Floss would have already established a cemetery. Only unwillingly did the town relinquish an ill-suited spot in a remote corner of the area. The Jewish cemetery lies on a steep slope on Flossenbürger Street, which from time immemorial runs way past to the right of it [the cemetery] and over Herdter Hill. Every passer-by looks at the many oddly formed, 100-year-old, probably up to 200-year-old gravestones with the foreign, and for non-Jews, puzzling inscriptions. When the cemetery had to be enlarged, the new part lay in the community of Gösen, so that the border line ran through the graveyard.
Jewish bath. One of the ritual institutions of the Jewish religious administration is the women’s bath, which stood between Christian houses on the southern foot of the Judenberg. This facility for the monthly purification is located today in a small, solidly built edifice, but has recently been closed. In olden days, hair-raising nearly unbelievable conditions prevailed in connection [with this building]. The office of the physician of the district court vainly urged changes to the Jewish bath, which in those days was like an extremely dirty, cold, unhealthy, water pit, and called a downright old, “puddle of shit.” The religious administration, which still had a debt of 2,000 florins for the building of the synagogue, protested against the relocation of the bath to the banks of the Floss stream because of the considerable cost, even if the bath was constructed only with wooden walls. When the community superintendent closed the questionable bath at the direction of the district court and no Jewish women were allowed to use it, the official seal was repeatedly torn off. In the end, 8 reasonable Jews brought an written complaint before the district court, in which the ritual bath was depicted as follows: “According to Jewish religious laws, women must bathe (after the monthly purgation). In Floss, there is a vaulted chamber intended for it, a dirty, dark hole where the women have to climb down into the water on a ladder, in great peril of falling. It is not a rare occurrence that the ice has to be broken open before a woman can get into the water. Only last week, the wife of Isaak Bloch became sick in this water and if help had not arrived immediately, she would have died. The police looks after for the health of people and even animals. Shouldn’t official steps then be taken here, that cleanliness is established, normal stairs into the water be built, a copper pan for warming the water procured, and with it the health of our women taken care of?”
A Jew [is] the first doctor in Floss. In 1838, the government of the Upper Main area allowed the Jewish doctor, Dr. Levi, to practice in Floss. The Christian community explicitly protested against the appointment of a practicing doctor, in that, given the otherwise already sufficient number of medical personnel (!), it considered the doctor more a superfluity than a necessity.
Jewish Ritual Slaughter
A main concern of Jews was the procurement of necessary kosher meat. The freedoms bestowed by Prince Elector Karl Theodor, dated in Mannheim on November 21 in 1744, cleared the right of the Jews, to get the necessary meat for their households through slaughtering and allow them to sell the back portion and other unkosher portions of the animal. Accordingly, the Jewish community deployed someone from within the community to furnish meat to the community, and who had to provide the tongue of each cow free of charge (as a payment to the butcher!) Eventually, the job fell to Jakob Hönig, who made a whole industry out of it and sold almost more meat as the whole butcher trade in Floss—which had 12 meat dealers. In addition to him, still other Jews, even young, unmarried boys, went around the countryside to buy large numbers of young cattle, calves, sheep, goats and rams, among other things. On the complaints of the Floss butchers’ guild, the district court intervened in this nonsense. In 1817, the court unified the two litigants, that means, it affected a compromise between the two parties. From every cow that was evaluated and found to be “kosher!,” the butcher would collect free of charge, as a fee, the fat of the heart, the spleen and the maw with tongue, but in return, the Jews paid 2 pfennig more per pound.
Soon thereafter—1820—a special Jewish slaughterhouse was nevertheless allowed to open in Floss. Every piece of meat—just like with Christian butchers—was subject to screening by experts. The district court allowed Jews to sell meat that was “treif” to Christians on certain days as set by the district court. Apart from that, their dealing in meat was strictly forbidden. Afterwards, Samuel Engländer, who had a license, established a Jewish canteen, where people of the Jewish denomination could eat “kosher” and [he] combined it with a Jewish hostel for travelers (now the Inn “zur Heimat” [like Home]). Engländer was only allowed to have the libations he served to his guests at their tables picked up in bulk from the citizens of the town, namely the community brewers, who had the right to sell drinks. [This was] because, after the Jewish edict of 1813, Jews were not allowed to operate either breweries, pubs or inns.
Jewish annual fair. On October 23, 1834, the district court in Neustadt signified to the head of the community of Floss, that Jews could not be prohibited from having the musician from Nabburg play their dance music at the forthcoming annual fair.
Social Life and Jews
It seems understandable, that Jewish businessmen, who spent a great majority of their youthful, unmarried time in large cities, came in contact with people involved in art and science, and also, as mature men, had the opportunity to attend concerts and theater while on their business trips, would take an interest in fostering classic song, music and theater at home and thus have a fruitful influence on social life in Floss. However, in the first half of the 19th century, the district judge Baron von Lichtenstern used the full power of his office to erect almost insurmountable barriers for them [Jewish businessmen] in doing this.
In 1837 when the Jews of Floss wanted to form a club called “Gaity,” they received a harsh dismissal of their petition. The brusque rejection read: “In a community area like Floss, where there are 3 religions, there can be no special separation for religious denomination in regard to social affiliation. There already exists an authorized social club with the name of “Evening Society,” that accepts every educated and modest man; those who are rejected can find diversion in the many taverns that exist in the city. Two social clubs cannot be tolerated in such a small area as Floss, since clashes are unavoidable, which goes against every principal held by the police. The administration of the community did indeed express a judgment, that the Jewish society could be dangerous to morality and disadvantageous to Christian intercourse. Despite all of this, the suspect social club under the name the “Jewish Choral Society, received approval by the government after it through, which in 1848 recast itself as “Society for the Advancement of Convivial Enjoyment” under the aegis of the rabbi, received approval by the government, after the rabbi had also pledged that non-Jews would be accepted. [He also] obligated himself solely to cultivate reputable, non-political talks, permissible games, decent songs and beautiful music in closed company and to put on dance entertainments with the authorization of the police and theater pieces that have been approved by the censorship body.
Social life on the Judenberg
Early on, theater performances seem to have taken place within Jewish circles. By March of 1826, the district court in Neustadt was informed that the Jews wanted to perform a comedy, written by the Floss carpenter Paul Reinhart for a payment of 2 florins 35 tr., on Maundy Thursday. The latter performance could not go forward until the censor had examined it. —A petition, filed on June 8. 1837, for permission to perform 3 theater pieces: The Poor Poet, The Prisoner and The Confession, all by Kotzebue, was returned, because the Jews had abbreviated their first names. After resubmission, the district court censor canceled The Confession as a piece not fit for actors or public. In the Fall of 1837, as part of the preliminary celebrations of the birthday of her highness and mother of the country, Queen Therese, About the Goldsmith’s Little Daughter by Karl Blum was presented on October 14 and to celebrate the end of Sukkot and, for the benefit of the poor, The Jealous Wife and The Suicide, both by Kotzebue, on October 20.
Jewish First and Last Names
On June 17, 1837 the district court issued the mandate: “For some years, the Jews of Floss, especially the younger ones, have permitted themselves to alter, abbreviate or not write out their first, sometimes also their last or family names, when signing petitions to public authorities and administrative bodies or in business correspondence, public announcements and intercourse, which gives rise to doubt, inaccuracies and errors. The royal interior ministry urges the correction of this nuisance and that the district court should monitor it.”
From 1809-26, these first names appear in the marriage register;
a) masculine: Samuel, Wolf, Moses, Aaron, Marem, David, Nathan, Jakob, Lippmann (Cologne 1260), Feischel, Abraham, Elias, Joseph, Saman, Mayer, Simon, Löb, Jonas, Schüyer, Henoch, Hirsch, Hom Joel, Punfit, Michal, Mendel, Samson, Mosel (special last names or family names were not yet generally used by Jews then).
b) feminine: Rühel, Zortel, Gella, Buna, Rebekkah, Breindel, Brünlin 1265 Semile, Schindel, Meriam, Hundel, Edel, Gütele, Judith, Scheyer, Bibele, Sara, Freidel Köln 1265 Freüde, Esther, Pestel, Hanoch, Lea, Künlein Kümia 1373, Rachel, Schifra’, Jytela Jütta 1160.
In 1923, still present are: 1 Bloch, 2 Steinhardt, 1 Ansbacher (earlier Weiß), 1 Eisemann (earlier Hönigsberger), 1 Wilmersdörfer, 1 Zeilberger (formerly the teacher), 1 Wetzler (widow of the head teacher).